- Russia, Russian Foreign Policy, Civil-military relations, EU-Russia relations, Russian National Security Policy, Russian Studies, and 12 moreDomestic Politics of the Russian Federation, Russian Internet, Russian Military Reform, Russian decision making, Russia's Defence Policy, Russian Defence Industry, Russian security, Russian civil-military relations, Russian Defence Economics, Russian Economy, Russian Armament Programme, and Rysk ekonomi och försvarsekonomiedit
Far from becoming a thing of the past, wars are continuously fought in the world. Warfare and military power remain a highly relevant topic in a globalized and post-modern world. This book reflects a multitude of international... more
Far from becoming a thing of the past, wars are
continuously fought in the world. Warfare and
military power remain a highly relevant topic in a
globalized and post-modern world. This book reflects
a multitude of international perspectives on current
military thinking communicated through some of the
most prominent military thinkers of the world today.
Subjects that are covered are conventional warfare on
land, air and sea, power projection and sustainability,
new technology and warfare as well as asymmetric
aspects on warfare. The book offers the readers a
basis for continued reflection on the many thoughtprovoking
chapters.
continuously fought in the world. Warfare and
military power remain a highly relevant topic in a
globalized and post-modern world. This book reflects
a multitude of international perspectives on current
military thinking communicated through some of the
most prominent military thinkers of the world today.
Subjects that are covered are conventional warfare on
land, air and sea, power projection and sustainability,
new technology and warfare as well as asymmetric
aspects on warfare. The book offers the readers a
basis for continued reflection on the many thoughtprovoking
chapters.
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Although the role of the military in Russia has changed significantly since Soviet times, it continues to exert great influence on Russian politics, economy and society. This book presents a comprehensive overview of current developments... more
Although the role of the military in Russia has changed significantly since Soviet times, it continues to exert great influence on Russian politics, economy and society. This book presents a comprehensive overview of current developments related to Russia’s military sector. It considers recent military reforms, personnel issues, the defence industry and procurement, the defence economy, changes in civil-military relations, and the continuing huge economic significance of Russia’s military-industrial complex. It explores difficulties currently faced by the Russian military, including problems of recruitment and leadership; analyses Russian security policy - including in relation to Europe and more widely; and discusses the lessons learned by the Russian military as a result of the recent war in Georgia. The book argues that reform attempts have often been thwarted by bureaucracy, economy, strategy, manpower, weapon systems and leadership. The book concludes by assessing likely future developments.
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This book examines reform of the Russian military since the end of the Cold War. It explores the legacy of the Soviet era, explaining why - at the time of the fall of the Soviet Union - radical reform was long overdue in the wake of... more
This book examines reform of the Russian military since the end of the Cold War. It explores the legacy of the Soviet era, explaining why - at the time of the fall of the Soviet Union - radical reform was long overdue in the wake of changing military technology, new economic and political realities, and the emergence of new threats and challenges. It discusses the problems encountered by Gorbachev in his attempts to promote military reform in the late 1980s, and goes on to analyse in detail the mixed fortunes of the policies of his successors, Yeltsin and Putin. It describes how the onset of war in Chechnya in 1994 provided clear evidence of the weaknesses of the Russian military in modern conflicts, and shows that although the Chechnya debacle did provide some impetus for reforms in the armed forces in 1997-98, the momentum was not continued under the Putin government. It argues that Putin’s policies of bolstering central control over all aspects of decision making has left untouched many key problems facing the Russian military, including infighting between different force structures, lack of transparency and independent scrutiny over defence spending, and absence of consensus on the main threats to Russia and optimum force posture. Moreover, it argues that in his attempts to concentrate all means of control to a corrupt and inefficient Kremlin bureaucracy, Putin has deprived himself of all alternative channels of independent scrutiny, control and oversight, thus exacerbating the problems that continue to plague the Russian military.
Ryssland har under de senaste tjugo åren gått igenom en omvälvande utveckling. I slutet av 1980-talet var landet en del av ett kommunistiskt, planekonomiskt och ateistiskt Sovjetunionen. Efter Sovjetunionens upplösning och under president... more
Ryssland har under de senaste tjugo åren gått igenom en omvälvande utveckling. I slutet av 1980-talet var landet en del av ett kommunistiskt, planekonomiskt och ateistiskt Sovjetunionen. Efter Sovjetunionens upplösning och under president Boris Jeltsin utvecklades Ryssland i demokratisk riktning och mot marknadsekonomi. Men det var samtidigt ett land i ekonomisk kris med pågående inbördeskrig.
Med Vladimir Putin vid makten kunde Ryssland inte längre beskrivas som en demokrati, mediernas frihet var kraftigt beskuren och makten centraliserad. Men samtidigt blomstrade ekonomin och en nyfunnen rysk nationell stolthet utmynnade i en ny roll för den ryska ortodoxa kyrkan, en starkare utrikespolitisk retorik och en strävan att kontrollera staterna i närområdet. Författarna beskriver Rysslands utveckling och försöker ge en bild av var landet befinner sig idag.
Med Vladimir Putin vid makten kunde Ryssland inte längre beskrivas som en demokrati, mediernas frihet var kraftigt beskuren och makten centraliserad. Men samtidigt blomstrade ekonomin och en nyfunnen rysk nationell stolthet utmynnade i en ny roll för den ryska ortodoxa kyrkan, en starkare utrikespolitisk retorik och en strävan att kontrollera staterna i närområdet. Författarna beskriver Rysslands utveckling och försöker ge en bild av var landet befinner sig idag.
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Russia’s political leaders maintain power through their ability to tailor domestic institutions and manage mechanisms as new challenges arise. The Presidential Administration’s Domestic Policy Directorate has become a headquarters for... more
Russia’s political leaders maintain power through their ability to tailor domestic institutions and manage mechanisms as new challenges arise. The Presidential Administration’s Domestic Policy Directorate has become a headquarters for managing society and elites, not least in connection with elections. Instead of focusing on domestic policy, this directorate manages domestic politics. The main challenges facing the Kremlin are, first, overcoming the information deficit; second, keeping society in check and not allowing the emergence of a credible political alternative or criticism that could evolve into mass demonstrations; and, third, ensuring that elites do not build coalitions against the autocrat but instead participate in a power-sharing agreement. The focus and “curatorship” of domestic politics has changed with each person to hold the role of First Deputy Head of the Presidential Administration, and also with the need for constant adjustment of the defeat-proofing structures within the system as new challenges arise or old ones become more acute.
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The Russian Internet remained relatively unregulated compared to the media sector as a whole until about 2012. One of the levers for increased control over the Internet was ownership, direct or indirect, of the most important... more
The Russian Internet remained relatively unregulated compared to the media sector as a whole until about 2012. One of the levers for increased control over the Internet was ownership, direct or indirect, of the most important infrastructure and websites. Control through ownership over the Russian Internet companies has increased, but in a finely calibrated fashion in order not to spark discontent and risk the formation of a social movement. The Internet’s global nature, however, has made it impossible to use the same methods against international companies. The Russian government has had to exert other forms of pressure, change legislation, or block entire social networks. Furthermore, increasing and more systematic control through ownership carries with it considerable long-term consequences and costs, both when it comes to the modernization of Russia and in terms of possible rising discontent if Internet users no longer accept that the repressive measures taken are in their interest.
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År 2014 har inneburit en drastisk förändring i rysk utrikespolitik med annekteringen av Krim, stöd till separatister i kriget i östra Ukraina och en aggressivare hållning i närområdet. Men vad är det som har hänt inom Ryssland som har... more
År 2014 har inneburit en drastisk förändring i rysk utrikespolitik med annekteringen av Krim, stöd till separatister i kriget i östra Ukraina och en aggressivare hållning i närområdet. Men vad är det som har hänt inom Ryssland som har lett till det här?
Den här skriften visar hur landet utvecklats i en auktoritär, konservativ riktning sedan Vladimir Putin återkom på presidentposten 2012. I kretsen kring Putin saknas nytänkare, regimens grepp över medierna hårdnar och oppositionen har kvästs. En konservatism med anor från 1800-talet har fått fäste, grundad på traditionella värden som hyllar gamla imperier, militära segrar och fosterlandet. Putin har skyhögt stöd bland den egna befolkningen men frågan är vad som händer när ekonomin försämras allt mer?
Den här skriften visar hur landet utvecklats i en auktoritär, konservativ riktning sedan Vladimir Putin återkom på presidentposten 2012. I kretsen kring Putin saknas nytänkare, regimens grepp över medierna hårdnar och oppositionen har kvästs. En konservatism med anor från 1800-talet har fått fäste, grundad på traditionella värden som hyllar gamla imperier, militära segrar och fosterlandet. Putin har skyhögt stöd bland den egna befolkningen men frågan är vad som händer när ekonomin försämras allt mer?
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Russian media had been abuzz with expectations about how Putin would change or add details at the very last minute. In the end, Putin only turned up the volume, while reiterating old approaches under new banners, so as to mobilize the... more
Russian media had been abuzz with expectations about
how Putin would change or add details at the very last minute. In the end, Putin only turned up the volume, while reiterating old approaches under new banners, so as to mobilize the population and the elites. There were no changes in the course of foreign policy, nor any initiatives on much-needed structural reform.
how Putin would change or add details at the very last minute. In the end, Putin only turned up the volume, while reiterating old approaches under new banners, so as to mobilize the population and the elites. There were no changes in the course of foreign policy, nor any initiatives on much-needed structural reform.
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... Together with Alina Zilberman, Webber explores the citizenship dimension of societymilitary relations. ... Elisabeth Sieca-Kozlowski examines the Cossacks and the military and political implications of trying to integrate them into... more
... Together with Alina Zilberman, Webber explores the citizenship dimension of societymilitary relations. ... Elisabeth Sieca-Kozlowski examines the Cossacks and the military and political implications of trying to integrate them into the Armed Forces and other troop formations. ...
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in Carsten Anckar and Thomas Denk (eds) Komparativ politik: nio politiska system [Comparative Politics: Nine political systems], Lund, pp. 219-240.
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Russia has put increasing emphasis on public diplomacy and the use of "soft power" to achieve foreign policy objectives. The Foreign Policy Concept of 2016 specifically calls for Russian academics and experts to get involved in the... more
Russia has put increasing emphasis on public diplomacy and the use of "soft power" to achieve foreign policy objectives. The Foreign Policy Concept of 2016 specifically calls for Russian academics and experts to get involved in the country's public diplomacy efforts and to do so in dialogue with foreign specialists on international relations. This report investigates how Russia tries to influence expert communities and wider public opinion in the West with the help of think tanks and similar GONGOs. Nine Russian think tanks or GONGOs (government-organized non-governmental organizations) were selected for closer analysis in this study. They are all directly or indirectly dependent on the Russian state for financial support. Other important donors are Russian big business. All of the think tanks analysed are, moreover, closely linked to the Russian political executive. A finding of the study is that the think tanks that take on less of an advocacy role in their messaging tend to be the ones with the best relations with Western researchers. Their experts are sought after as speakers at conferences and roundtables around the world and their access to Russian government circles adds to their attraction as cooperation partners. The think tanks that are more propagandistic tend to end up creating networks with experts, organizations and institutes in the West that are less mainstream.
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Ryssland har i officiella dokument och uttalanden tydligt angett att man avser att främja bilden av Ryssland och ryskt agerande internationellt. Ett viktigt verktyg i denna ambition är de olika tankesmedjor som på olika sätt samarbetar... more
Ryssland har i officiella dokument och uttalanden tydligt angett att man avser att främja bilden av Ryssland och ryskt agerande internationellt. Ett viktigt verktyg i denna ambition är de olika tankesmedjor som på olika sätt samarbetar med och inriktas av Rysslands politiska ledning. En rad tankesmedjor finansieras helt eller delvis ur statsbudgeten eller indirekt genom företag och affärsmän med starka kopplingar till den politiska makten. Tankesmedjorna bär således karaktären av GONGO:er (Government-organized non-governmental organization) dvs. en enskild organisation som drivs av staten och presenteras som oberoende (non-governmental) trots att den styrs av staten. GONGO:er används av auktoritära länder i utrikespolitiken inte minst för att påverka civilsamhället i demokratier. Huvudsyftet med den kommande studien är att belysa hur Ryssland med hjälp av tankesmedjor och liknande GONGO:er försöker påverka expertsamhället och den breda opinionen i Väst. De viktigaste aspekterna som kommer att studeras är vilka budskap olika typer av organisationer vill förmedla och vilka kanaler de använder. Studien fokuserar på tankesmedjor som är inriktade på att påverka en publik utomlands, speciellt experter som kan sprida budskapet vidare.